Sbj ; Request to UNHCR and Resettlement Countries, for Permanent Solution of Refugees in Malaysia.

To,

Dear All International Communities and All Human Rights Organization.

21 / 02 / 2008,

Sbj ; Request to UNHCR and Resettlement Countries, for Permanent Solution of Refugees in Malaysia.

Myanmar Ethnic Rohingyas Human Rights Organization Malaysia (MERHROM) would like to draw the attention of UNHCR and The Resettlement Countries as well as The UN Security Council and International Communities to pay serious attention on Refugees situation in Malaysia as we especially Rohingyas refugees and our children still suffered very long time in Malaysia.

We are further frustrated as The UNHCR and International Communities are fully aware of our situation in Malaysia but there are no serious action taken, as well as Rohingya is isolated from safe envioroment. We are hoping for permanent solution to our serious situation. We have the rights to live like other people. We are hoping that the Resettlement Countries will give a place in their countries for resettlement. We are frustrated as very very few of us get resettlement. We are hoping that the UNHCR and The Resettlement countries will not looking at our religion before making decision whether to take us or not.

Many Rohingyas Refugees who are registered with UNHCR and registered for IMM 13 were arrested previously, sentenced and handed over to agency in deportation as well as grievous hurt for smuggle entry. Many of Refugees who are deported left their wife and children behind in Malaysia. It’s separate a father and children and had broken manny families. Many of them become victims of trafficking as they were sold to fishing boat and become bonded labor in Thailand.

We are also connot see what is the future of our children. Currently we have about 3000 Stateless Rohingya refugee children who do not go to school. We, officially wrote to Education Ministry of Malaysia to allowed our children to enter school but rejected previously by the Education Ministry. We are frustrated as Malaysian government has signed the “Convention on the Rights of the Child”.

We urge the UNHCR, Resettlement Countries, Asian members, The UN Security Council members, The UN Secretary General, World Leaders and International Community to take necessary actions to provide permanent solution for both our situation as Refugees and democracy in Myanmar without any delay. Give us a chance to live in dignity.

We were frustrated as Malaysia is a member of United Nations Human Rights Council but various human rights violations took place especially to refuuges and the migrant workers. The Malaysia government also signed CRC and CEDAW and the State have the responsibility to protect both children and women within its territory regardless of their status.

The human rights situation in Myanmar (BURMAR) is grave. Rohingyas returned to Myanmar are at serious risk of human rights violations, including torture or other ill-treatment, arbitrary detention, prosecution by various factual findings and force labour. its concerns widely to the world.

We appeal the Malaysian government to immediately stop the crackdown on refugees and give us chance to live. Every moment we live in fear. We had gone through pain and suffering in our life and we had nobody to turn to.

Thank you very much.

Thankfully,

Mr. Zafar Ahmead
President Of Myanmar Ethnic Rohingyas Human Rights Organization Malaysia (MERHROM)
Address:
Penthouse, Wisma MLS, No. 31, Jalan Tuanku Abdul Rahman,
50100 Kuala Lumpur,
Tel; (603) 26913691, Fax; (603) 26913681,
Mobil Number: (6016) 6827287
E-mail: rights4rohingya@yahoo.co.uk
www.http:// merhrom.wordpress.com

Published in:  on February 21, 2008 at 8:25 am Leave a Comment

For Immediate Release: February 14, 2008

Altsean-Burma (the Alternative ASEAN Network on Burma), a regional human rights group, has condemned the Burmese regime’s announced referendum on its illegitimate draft constitution as a last-ditch attempt to stave off growing domestic and international pressure for genuine democratic reforms.

Debbie Stothard, Coordinator for Altsean-Burma, said: “The
international community should not be conned into giving the regime another two years to cause more suffering. The regime is notorious for its history of empty promises. Anyone who believes the referendum will be free and fair probably believes in the tooth fairy.”

On 9 February, Burma’s military regime, the State Peace and
Development Council (SPDC), announced that it will hold a
constitutional referendum in May 2008, followed by general elections to be held at an unspecified date in 2010.

The announcement comes as the military regime continues its crack down on political activists and peaceful dissent. Since the beginning of 2008, the SPDC has detained 12 members of the National League for Democracy (NLD) and two 88 Generation Students. The regime also increased its military strength in Eastern Burma in preparation for renewed offensives against civilians and ethnic opposition

groups. To

date, military operations in Eastern Burma have displaced more than a half a million people in the world’s longest-running war; 76,000 people were displaced in the past year. 25,000 men, women, and children face starvation as a result of the current offensive.

Meanwhile, key ethnic and pro-democracy leaders have been detained, excluded from or gagged during the protracted constitution-drafting process. Jail terms of up to 20 years can still be imposed under Order 5/96 on those who criticize the draft constitution.

Altsean-Burma believes a referendum held in such an oppressive
environment would result in more problems than solutions. “If the
SPDC is serious about promoting a democratic reform, it must stop
arresting activists, cease mass atrocities in ethnic areas, and
release all political prisoners, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and
ethnic leaders, and restart this process through tripartite
dialogue,” said Ms. Stothard.

Altsean-Burma condemns the SPDCs move to force its people at gunpoint to approve a constitution that is the result of an illegitimate, unrepresentative, and non participatory process.

“The regime wants to impose a constitution that will create more
instability and prolong military rule. After more than four decades
of military misrule, why should the Burmese want a constitution that gives unfettered power to a President who must come from the military and where 25% of parliamentary seats are allocated to the military?” added Ms. Stothard.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the NLD, and ethnic groups have repeatedly called for immediate, time-bound and inclusive dialogue with the SPDC. The people of Burma cannot afford two more years of repression and economic mismanagement. The international community, including ASEAN, China, India, and the UN Security Council, should intensify pressure to convince the regime to change.

ENDS

Enquiries: Debbie Stothard, cellphone +6681 686 1652
Mr. Zafar Ahmead, (MERHROM) +6016-6827287

Published in:  on February 15, 2008 at 1:49 am Leave a Comment

Burmese rebel leader is shot dead

Burmese rebel leader is shot dead

Pado Mahn Shar was a veteran of the Karen people’s stuggle
The secretary general of Burma’s largest rebel group, the Karen National Union, has been killed.

Pado Mahn Shar, who was in his sixties, was shot at his home in the Thai border town of Mae Sot, his family said.

He was targetted by two men in a pick-up truck, while sitting on the veranda of his home. He died instantly.

The KNU and its military wing, the Karen National Liberation Army, have spent nearly 60 years fighting the Burmese government.

They want to establish an autonomous Karen state in the east of Burma, and to protect the Karen people from what they say are abuses by the government.

Setbacks

KAREN STRUGGLE

The KNU, through its armed wing the KNLA, has been fighting for greater autonomy since 1949 The KNLA split in half in 1994, with the new group, the DKBA, making a pact with the government
The KNU and the junta reached a ‘gentleman’s agreement’ in 2003, but it quickly broke down.

The Karen are just one of many ethnic minorities in Burma. Much smaller rebel groups still exist in the Shan, Karenni and Mon states
Despite their fighting spirit, the Karen rebels have suffered a number of recent setbacks, including political splits and defections to the government.

Militarily, they have been driven further and further back towards the Thai border.

However, Pado Mahn Shar told the BBC last year: “Whatever happens, we cannot surrender.

“If the government won’t offer us a proper peace settlement, we have to carry on fighting.”

The BBC’s Kate McGeown, who met Pado Mahn Shar on the Thai-Burmese border, says his death will be a serious blow to the Karen rebels.

As it is, they face a huge challenge against the Burmese army, which is vastly superior both in terms of numbers and equipment.

Analysts said it was not clear who was behind the shooting.

Pado Mahn Shar (l) said the rebels would never give up
It might be the result of rivalry within the Karen rebel movement, Burmese expert Aung Naing Oo told the AFP news agency.

Thai police said the gunmen approached Pado Mahn Shar and addressed him in the Karen language before opening fire.

But what the KNU really feared, Aung Naing Oo said, was that the Burmese government might have ordered it.

“Everybody is terrified that there could be a hit list from the Burmese military circulating around Thailand of people to be killed,” he said.

Pado Mahn Shar had himself predicted an increase in bloodshed, telling Reuters this week that violence might rise ahead of a constitutional referendum in Burma in May.

Published in:  on at 1:41 am Leave a Comment

Union Day Protest in Rangoon

Members of Burma’s opposition party National League for Democracy, wear traditional costumes of ethnic nationalities, stand in front of the party headquarters in Rangoon during the Union Day ceremony on Tuesday. (Photo: AP)
Union Day Protest in Rangoon

By SAW YAN NAING Tuesday, February 12, 2008

More than 30 protesters dressed in the blue uniforms worn by prison inmates staged a protest in Rangoon on Tuesday, demanding the release of political prisoners and respect for UN resolutions on Burma.

The protesters gathered for about 40 minutes outside the Rangoon headquarters of the opposition National League for Democracy, where Union Day ceremonies were being held. Riot police and plain clothes security officials were deployed outside the building and took pictures of the protesters on film and video, but no arrests were made.

An eyewitness said the protesters held posters and flags of ethnic groups. They voiced dissatisfaction with the pace of national reconciliation and accused the regime of wasting time in arranging talks between NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi and a government mediator, Aung Kyi.

Hundreds of people, including NLD leaders and prominent ethnic leaders such as Cin Sian Thang and Aye Thar Aung took part in the Union Day celebrations, one of the participants reported.

Union Day marks the date of the Panglong Agreement signed by Burma’s central government and representatives of various ethnic groups, such as Shan, Kachin and Chin nationalities, on February 12, 1947. Burma subsequently gained independence from Britain on January 4, 1948.

The Burmese regime’s observance of Union Day took place in Naypyidaw, where junta leader Snr-Gen Than Shwe urged people to work for the emergence of a lasting State Constitution laid down by the National Convention.

Than Shwe also urged people to supports implementation of the “seven-step road map.” The third stage of the “road map”—drafting a state constitution—was under way, he said.

In a Union Day statement issued by the 88 Generation Students group on Tuesday, the regime was accused of violating the fundamental rights of Burmese and ethnic people and civilians in Burma even though the country had won its independence from colonial rule more than 60 years ago.

Soe Htun, a leading member of the 88 Generation Students group, told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday that the military government had ignored the crisis affecting the Burmese people, who lacked democracy, equality, self-determination and a federal union.

Soe Htun accused the regime of trying to implement a “one-sided constitution.” He urged the Burmese people to “cooperate in order to gaining democracy, equality and a federal union.”

The 88 Generation Students group pointed out that a three-way dialogue was the best way to solve the Burma crisis.

Last week, the Burmese military regime announced that general elections will be held in 2010 following a referendum this May on a new constitution being written under the junta’s guidance and expected to entrench its role in government.

Published in:  on February 13, 2008 at 3:10 am Leave a Comment

Thursday, December 13, 2007
[Commentary]
The Saffron Revolution; a catalyst for freedom

February 10, 2008 – Ne Win, who was trained in fascism in WWII, warned in 1988 that ‘when the army shoots it shoots to hit’ those who dare to protest. And thousands of young protesters were killed in military firing during the 1988 uprising.

Security forces in Rangoon on Monday February 11, 2008. Photo: Mizzima. Since the recent announcement of a time table for a referendum and election, the military junta has deployed more security forces in the former capital, a hot-bed for the opposition movement.

Burma sets date for referendum and general election

February 08, 2008 – In a move that caught people by surprise, Burma’s ruling military junta on Saturday announced, it will hold a referendum on the constitution it is drafting, in May.

Pictures of Burma in 2008

Will Thailand gain from lack of ‘democracy and human rights’ in Burma?

February 08, 2008 – Burmese political activists including members of the main opposition party – the National League for Democracy – contend that by maintaining a policy of noninterference on Burma and calling democracy and human rights.

Burmese Weekly Kumudra suspends publication for two weeks

February 08, 2008 – A Rangoon based Burmese weekly journal, Kumudra, has suspended its publication for two weeks, an official at the Weekly said. Publication of the weekly journal has been temporarily suspended.

Indian Foreign Secretary to discuss bilateral cooperation with Burma

February 08, 2008 – New Delhi – In a continuous effort to boost its bilateral relationship with Burma’s military junta, India’s Foreign Secretary, Shiv Shankar Menon, is embarking on a four-day visit to Burma to discuss bilateral cooperation.

Junta combats UNICEF data with dated government statistics

February 08, 2008 – The Burmese government has questioned the accuracy of a recent international study which found a high child mortality rate inside the country.

FREEDOM is a hard road

Why sanctions fail – Bo Kyaw Nyein (Analysis)
Can the generals continue to resist international pressure? -
Myat Soe
Time to rejuvenate the exile Burmese government – Dr. Sein Myint
Of hope and moral politics – Christopher Smith (Opinion)
EU envoy on Burma has nothing to offer the democratic
process – Larry Jagan

Inside Burma
Blogger charged with Emergency Provision Act

Ethnic groups welcome NLD’s invitation for talks

Implement reforms or “Prepare for the worst”: activists

88 student leader Mie Mie’s health deteriorates in detention

Thailand
Artist to donate 16,000 NZD to Burmese refugee children

Activists concerned over Burma issue after new Thai gov

Two Burmese army defectors arrives Thailand

Thai authorities arrest 72 Rohingyas for illegal entry

India
Three Burmese fishermen rescued after three months at sea

Bangladesh and Burma discuss maritime boundary

Burmese and Indian activists demand release of 34 ethnic rebels

India to step up support for change in Burma: Gambari

Regional/Global
Shan representative office inaugurated to mark 61st National Day

Complainant threatened not to disclose truth to ILO

U.S. targets Burmese tycoon Tay Za

Dangers for journalists in Burma on the rise

Published in:  on February 11, 2008 at 6:05 am Leave a Comment

Burma sets date for referendum and general election

Burma sets date for referendum and general election

Mungpi
Mizzima News (www.mizzima.com)
February 9, 2008

In a move that caught people by surprise, Burma’s ruling military junta on Saturday announced, it will hold a referendum on the constitution it is drafting, in May. It will be followed by a multi-party election in 2010.

The announcement was unexpected because the regime is not known to set a time frame for anything that it is working on.

The announcement, which came in the form of a statement signed by the junta’s Secretary (1) Lt Gen Thura Tin Aung Myint Oo was read out in the state-run television.

A referendum on the constitution, which is being drafted by a 54-member committee, will be held in May, the statement said.

The Burmese junta chalked out a seven-point roadmap to democracy in 2003 but there was no time-frame. It took 14 years to complete the first step of the roadmap — the National Convention.

“Multi-party democratic elections will be held in 2010, according to the new constitution,” the statement added.

Burma held its last multi-party elections in 1990, but the ruling military clique refused to honour the results and continues to cling to power, detaining Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, leader of the election winning party – the National League for Democracy.

“It is suitable to change the military administration to a democratic, civil administrative system, as good fundamentals have been established,” the junta said.

“The country’s basic infrastructure has been built, although there is still more to do while striving for the welfare of the nation,” added the statement.

While the announcement is the first ever time-frame given by the ruling junta on the different stages of its roadmap, critics said it could be an act to expiate the people, who lived through another bitter experience when the junta brutally crashed protesters in September.

The announcement, which comes after four months of the junta’s brutal crackdown on Buddhist monk-led protesters in Rangoon, could also be another move to dilute both internal as well as international pressure, a military analyst said.

“The SPDC [State Peace and Development Council] seems worried about possible mass movements again, so this is to cool down the people so that they do not demonstrate but wait and see,” Win Min, a military analyst in Chiang Mai said.

Following the brutal suppression of students-led protesters in 1988, where hundreds if not thousands were killed, the ruling junta held a multi-party election, but failed to honour the results after the NLD posted a landslide victory.

“The SPDC seems to be under increasing pressure from China and India to expedite the roadmap. Ibrahim Gambari, the UN Special Envoy just visited India and he seems to be getting better support from India than he did last year. And he is going to visit China next week,” Win Min added.

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Published in:  on at 6:02 am Leave a Comment

The Saffron Revolution; a catalyst for freedom

The Saffron Revolution; a catalyst for freedom

May Ng
February 10, 2008

Ne Win, who was trained in fascism in WWII, warned in 1988 that ‘when the army shoots it shoots to hit’ those who dare to protest. And thousands of young protesters were killed in military firing during the 1988 uprising.

And again during the Saffron Revolution last September, Burmese soldiers shot and killed unarmed citizens including monks.

Mary P.Callahan, an expert on Myanmar military, wrote that, “after independence from Britain, the World War II practices of politics in Burma have made ‘violence’ ‘the currency of power.’

Burma’s post colonial operational failure, that included army mutiny, ethnic rebellion, communist insurgency, warlordism, and economic chaos, paved the way for the Myanmar Tatmadaw (Burmese army) which was modeled after the 1950s Yugoslav and Israeli armies. Callahan said that the Myanmar Tatmadaw came to use ‘violence’ ‘the once despised coercive tools of colonials’ not only to pacify but also to mould citizens into dependable defenders of the army state.

In 1956, the Directorate of Psychological Warfare presented the first draft of what became “the official ideology” of the post-1962 socialist government and the present day military regime.

Entitled “Some Reflections on Our Constitution,” the paper recommended the review of constitutional flaws and adoption of a draconian “Anti-Subversion Ordinance,” to give the government the tools necessary to crack down on its opponents, and allows any and all critics of the government and army to be treated as enemies of the state.

In September 1958 the army’s Directorate of Education and Psychological Warfare circulated a critique of the fundamental tenets of the Union’s Constitution. And by 1958 the Constitution was no longer sacred. With this, the Burmese Tatmadaw has created a choke hold on political power unrivaled in the world. And in this solution, citizens became barriers to the army’s consolidation of political power and national sovereignty, concluded Mary Callahan.

An onerous British law, the Public Order Preservation Act, Section Five, was also resurrected to arrest as many as four hundred government critics, including Aung San’s brother, U Aung Than. During 1958, the Press Registration Act of 1876 was amended and the ‘Psywar’ Directorate shut down five or six newspapers and imprisoned numerous editors, publishers. Today, the same scene is eerily repeated again in Burma.

Now, after over 45 years of army rule Burmese political power remains in the hands of ‘the specialists in violence,’ including members of the Tatmadaw, antigovernment armed forces, criminal gangs and paramilitaries, wrote Callahan.

And she continued that even “more menacing than the records of murderous militaries in Argentina, Chile, Guatemala, Indonesia, and the Philippines, is the comparative ‘durability’ of the Tatmadaw’s command relationship with its society.”

Since the 1962 military coup, the Tatmadaw came to dominate all levels of government, civil administration and commerce in Burma. The Defense Services Institute, DSI, was established in 1951 with the military officers in all key positions and began to run the most powerful business organization in the nation. By 1960, it included banks, shipping lines and the largest import-export operation in the country.

Again, in 1990, the military junta established the Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings Limited, or UMEH, which has grown into the largest indigenous firm, jointly owned by the government and retired and active duty defense services personnel. UMEH and a second military firm, the Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC), hold interests in banking, gems, tourism, trade, real estate, transportation, power, iron and steel factories, and foodstuffs.

After the 1988 uprising China became a major economic and military supporter for the army junta. According to a Burma expert, Andrew Selth, one school of thought believes that small poverty stricken Burma will inevitably succumb to the pressures of its much larger neighbour, and effectively become a pawn in China’s bid to achieve world power status.

It is also believed that China’s position on the UN Security Council is seen by the Rangoon regime as an ultimate guarantee against action by the UN.

But Selth said that Burma has always been suspicious of China, and it may not be Beijing but the Myanmar generals that have the whip hand. Neither China nor anyone else can predict or manage the behaviour of the Myanmar generals. In addition, violence and coercion as a universal solution to all challenges to power has been encoded into the mind and the manual of Myanmar Tatmadaw long before.

In this approach, a massive military machine is believed to be necessary in Burma to protect foreign investments especially the planned gas pipelines into China, and also to encourage economic growth in Burma. Accordingly, China and Tatmadaw army both consider Burma’s internal stability as vital to the survival of Burma’s independence and the Myanmar military’s sovereignty.

The Central Statistical Organization of Myanmar Economic Ministry reported that Burma’s foreign direct investment totaled more than $750 million during the fiscal year that ended March 31, 2007. Out of which China, South Korea, Russia, Singapore and Britain invested in projects worth $752.7 million, mainly in the oil and gas sector.

While the monks and nuns are still in prisons and labour camps, businesses from China, India, ASEAN countries and the west are already lobbying for return to ‘business as usual’ with the military; often citing the half hearted western sanctions as failures. The NY Times recently commented that, only in a short time after the Saffron Revolution many countries appear to have lost enthusiasm for challenging the junta, either because they are more eager for contracts with Myanmar involving resources like oil and gems, or they fear creating instability in the region. It also said that China, India and the Southeast Asian nations are key, but Europe and America also have commercial interests there.

After some modest growth in the mid 1990s, Burma once again faces serious economic problems. The early onrush of foreign investment in tourism and small manufacturing industries has practically dried up as a result of poor economic management by the regime and the Asian financial crisis in 1997. Corruption has reached unprecedented levels and according to the Transparency International’s 2007 Index, Myanmar ranks the lowest score of 1.4 out of 10, along with Somalia. And the world’s energy crisis will worsen the economic burden of the poor and it will continue to threaten Burma with the possibility of another major uprising.

The decline of the Tatmadaw is also visible inside the army. Jane’s Defense Weekly reported in 2007, that the Myanmar army battalions are poorly managed, resourced, and plagued by desertion, and suffer from false reporting, haphazard inspections, and poor record keeping; and that morale among enlisted ranks is low. High desertion rates and illness such as HIV or Hepatitis B too is taking their toll.

All of these factors have translated into erosion of discipline and lessening of personal commitment to the Tatmadaw’s professionalism. To address these problems the regime has further isolated the armed forces from the rest of the population by creating a state within a state where the members of the Tatmadaw, their relatives and supporters became a privileged caste within the Burmese society. But this also increases the possibility of armed opposition from the alienated population while the dissatisfaction and active dissent within the army still remains.

According to Callahan, Myanmar armed forces are not the omnipotent, fully unified organization that contemporary political debate implies; and that the weaknesses probably account for the regime’s unyielding behaviour, as much. But breaking the political deadlock between the opposition and the SPDC will only be the first tiny step in the direction of demilitarizing this polity. And Callahan warned that the removal of the handful of top generals and colonels from the government, and their replacement with elected officials, will not transform overnight the century old command relationship between state and society.

While policy disagreements and personal differences clearly exist in the highest circles of the Tatmadaw and favors are doubtless dispensed with some return in mind, according to Andrew Selth, the generals are unlikely to do anything to seriously threaten armed forces unity. The October 2007 Janes’s Intelligence concluded that an emerging younger generation of military officers assuming control in the medium term will likely follow the same policies that have preserved the Myanmar Tatmadaw’s sovereignty.

But since last September, anti-junta sentiment inside Burma and around the world has reached a new high especially because of the lawlessness of Myanmar Army, inside Burma. In January, the International Burmese Monks Organization declared that the horrifying crimes committed against the monks in particular have laid bare the false piety of the junta and the atrocities will have far reaching consequences.

Aung San Suu Kyi has recently warned that, Burma will now have to prepare for the worst while hoping for the best. In this climate, extreme violence may become the last and only resort left with which to resist the government’s aggression. There has already been an incidence where a ruthless local official was beheaded and his head was mounted on a bamboo pole as warning to other cruel agents of the junta. If the majority of the people begin to take on a “do or die” attitude and start a violent revolt, not only the ruling dictators but also the entire military machinery will crumble and the future of Myanmar military will no longer be assured.

As long as Aung San Suu Kyi and the 1990 elected representatives are continued to be persecuted, the announcement of the 2010 elections will not help lessen the people’s anger. In the aftermath of bloody Saffron Revolution, the generals may have lost the last opportunity to address their lack of legitimacy. Unlike Cuba, North Korea and Iran, the Myanmar regime did not come into power with a popular support from the people; and the crisis of legitimacy will continue to haunt the military junta.

Historian Niall Ferguson wrote in “Empire” that; the moral transformation that turned Britain from the world leading enslaver to the world leading emancipator of the African slaves began in a holy Trinity Church in England, with activists armed only with pens, paper and moral indignation. And at the end, the abominable slave trade was abolished in spite of the fierce oppositions from powerful vested interests.

Niall pointed out that “like all such great changes it had small beginnings.”

The breathtaking Saffron Revolution of 2007 has united many Burmese people. If a small beginning can change three hundred years old slavery in the face of powerful interests, the monks’ spectacular September uprising may yet be the most important ‘catalyst for change’ that has come to Burma.

(May Ng is from the Southern Shan State of Burma and the NY Regional Director for Justice for Human Rights in Burma.

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Published in:  on at 5:58 am Leave a Comment

Burmese junta sets voting dates

Burma’s regime faced widespread protests last year

Burma’s generals
Burma will hold a constitutional referendum in May and general elections in 2010, the country’s military junta has announced on state media.
The regime had set out what it called a roadmap for democracy but had not previously given any firm timetable.

The opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) called the announcement “vague, incomplete and strange”.

Burma, under military rule since 1962, saw rare nationwide protests against the junta in August and September.

The military responded with a deadly crackdown in which at least 31 people were killed, according to the UN.

I was surprised that they announced an election date without knowing the referendum results Nyan Win Opposition spokesman here Saturday’s statement from the military leadership, broadcast on radio and television, announced: “Multi-party democratic elections will be held in 2010, according to the new constitution.

“It is suitable to change the military administration to a democratic, civil administrative system, as good fundamentals have been established.

“The country’s basic infrastructure has been built, although there is still more to do in striving for the welfare of the nation.”

NLD spokesman Nyan Win expressed surprise that the election had been planned before the results of the constitutional referendum were known.

“According to my understanding, the election date should be set up after the referendum results. I was surprised that they announced an election date without knowing the referendum results,” he told the BBC.

The proposed constitutional changes have not been made public, but some suspect that they would in effect bar NLD leader Aung Sang Suu Kyi from office and perhaps ensure that a military leader was chosen.

Election results ignored

Burma held a multi-party election in 1990, two years after thousands were killed in a crackdown on popular demonstrations.

The NLD won the poll, but the military ignored the result and Ms Suu Kyi has spent 12 of the last 18 years under house arrest in Burma’s commercial capital, Rangoon.

Ms Suu Kyi’s party won elections in 1990

Instead, the military formed a convention in 1993 that spent the next 14 years setting out guidelines for a new constitution.

Saturday’s statement said the constitution, which is now being drafted by a government-appointed commission, would be finished soon.

The military’s roadmap for democracy has been widely dismissed as a sham by observers.

Late last month, Ms Suu Kyi said she was not satisfied by recent talks with military rulers, expressing concern that the meetings might raise false hopes of political reform.

She repeated demands that the talks must involve pro-democracy groups and representatives of Burma’s ethnic groups.

Published in:  on at 5:34 am Leave a Comment

Burmese junta sets voting dates

Burma will hold a constitutional referendum in May and general elections in 2010, the country’s military junta has announced on state media.

The regime had set out what it called a roadmap for democracy but had not previously given any firm timetable.

The opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) called the announcement “vague, incomplete and strange”.

Burma, under military rule since 1962, saw rare nationwide protests against the junta in August and September.

The military responded with a deadly crackdown in which at least 31 people were killed, according to the UN.

I was surprised that they announced an election date without knowing the referendum results Nyan Win
Opposition spokesman here Saturday’s statement from the military leadership, broadcast on radio and television, announced: “Multi-party democratic elections will be held in 2010, according to the new constitution.

“It is suitable to change the military administration to a democratic, civil administrative system, as good fundamentals have been established.

“The country’s basic infrastructure has been built, although there is still more to do in striving for the welfare of the nation.”

NLD spokesman Nyan Win expressed surprise that the election had been planned before the results of the constitutional referendum were known.

“According to my understanding, the election date should be set up after the referendum results. I was surprised that they announced an election date without knowing the referendum results,” he told the BBC.

The proposed constitutional changes have not been made public, but some suspect that they would in effect bar NLD leader Aung Sang Suu Kyi from office and perhaps ensure that a military leader was chosen.

Election results ignored

Burma held a multi-party election in 1990, two years after thousands were killed in a crackdown on popular demonstrations.

The NLD won the poll, but the military ignored the result and Ms Suu Kyi has spent 12 of the last 18 years under house arrest in Burma’s commercial capital, Rangoon.

Ms Suu Kyi’s party won elections in 1990

Instead, the military formed a convention in 1993 that spent the next 14 years setting out guidelines for a new constitution.

Saturday’s statement said the constitution, which is now being drafted by a government-appointed commission, would be finished soon.

The military’s roadmap for democracy has been widely dismissed as a sham by observers.

Late last month, Ms Suu Kyi said she was not satisfied by recent talks with military rulers, expressing concern that the meetings might raise false hopes of political reform.

She repeated demands that the talks must involve pro-democracy groups and representatives of Burma’s ethnic groups.

Published in:  on at 5:31 am Leave a Comment

World Report 2008 – Burma

World Report 2008 – Burma
Events of 2007

Burma’s deplorable human rights record received widespread international attention in 2007 as anti-government protests in August and September were met with a brutal crackdown by security forces of the authoritarian military government, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC). Denial of basic freedoms in Burma continues, and restrictions on the internet, telecommunications, and freedom of expression and assembly sharply increased in 2007. Abuses against civilians in ethnic areas are widespread, involving forced labor, summary executions, sexual violence, and expropriation of land and property.

Violent Crackdown on Protests

Poor economic conditions sparked a series of demonstrations and arrests from February onward. Protests were directly related to declining living standards, limited access to health services and education, and poor electricity supplies. Despite booming revenues from natural gas exports, the government raised fuel prices sharply and without warning on August 15, which had an immediate and adverse effect on the civilian population.

Small-scale protest marches were conducted in Rangoon by members of the “88 Generation Students” and members and supporters of the National League for Democracy (NLD), calling for improved living standards and dialogue with the government on political reforms. Demonstrations were broken up by police and members of the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA), a pro-government “social welfare” organization with a nominal national membership of 23 million, and Swan Ar Shin, a civilian paramilitary group. Over 150 political dissidents were arrested and dozens went into hiding in August.

Demonstrations by Buddhist monks and civilians spread to other towns such as Mandalay, Sittwe, and Pakkoku in September. Following the beating of monks in Pakkoku, public demonstrations increased. In late September marches by monks in Rangoon became larger, and political activists, artists, and other civilians gradually joined in the daily processions. On September 22 over 1,000 monks and supporters were permitted to march to the home of Nobel Peace Prize laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

On September 26, demonstrations in Rangoon were violently dispersed by riot police, supported by regular army soldiers, who used teargas, rubber bullets, and automatic weapons against unarmed civilians. Following brutal nighttime raids on monasteries and homes, demonstrations continued the next day in Rangoon, Mandalay, Mytikina, Pegu, Sittwe, and Pakkoku, and were met with more violence by security forces. Small demonstrations continued for the next several days, as the police and army arrested and detained an estimated 3,000 monks in Rangoon. Reports from inside Burma suggested that an estimated 100 civilians were killed in the demonstrations in Rangoon; there were unverified reports of protester deaths in other locations throughout Burma. In its December report on the crackdown, Human Rights Watch was able to confirm 20 deaths, though the figure is likely higher. Official SPDC figures claim that 15 people were killed and over 3,000 arrested. The SPDC claims to have released over 2,000 detainees; there are fears several hundred remain incarcerated.

The SPDC made no concessions to international condemnation, staging mass rallies of the USDA and Myanmar Women’s Affairs Federation throughout the country, condemning foreign interference in Burma, and blaming unrest on foreign media reports and exile radio broadcasts inciting protests.

Lack of Progress on Democracy

Burma’s long-running National Convention concluded on September 3, after years of haphazard sessions since 1993. Participation by political parties, ethnic groups, and other non-military delegates was sharply circumscribed and alternative proposals routinely ignored. Criticism of the Convention was expressly forbidden by law. A list of “Detailed Basic Principles” has been finalized and this will form the basis of an eventual national constitution. Many of these provisions are designed to entrench military control over an envisaged civilian parliament, restrict citizens’ freedoms and rights, and provide the future president with sweeping emergency powers in the event of a threat against national sovereignty.

Human Rights Defenders

The SPDC continues to imprison an estimated 1,100 political prisoners including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, whose house arrest was extended in May for another year. In addition, political dissidents arrested in August and September, including Min Ko Naing and leaders of the “88 Generation Students” remain in detention at unknown locations.

Other attacks against human rights defenders included the beating in April of two members of the Human Rights Defenders and Promoters group by USDA forces, north of Rangoon. Authorities detained Phyu Phyu Tin, a leading HIV/AIDS educator, between May 21 and July 2, for protesting against the lack of access to antiretroviral drugs in government hospitals.

The SPDC appointed the deputy labor minister, Maj. Gen. Aung Kyi, as official liaison to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. The two sides have already conducted preliminary meetings on establishing regular dialogue.

Continued Violence against Ethnic Groups

In ethnic areas of the borderlands human rights violations are widespread, involving forced labor, summary executions, sexual violence against women and girls, land confiscations, and the use of landmines to disrupt civilian food production. The ongoing military offensive in northern Karen state has displaced an estimated 40,000 civilians since early 2006, with an estimated 150 civilians killed by Burmese army attacks and landmines. Forty-three new Burmese army bases have been built in the area, using convict and forced civilian labor; local civilians were also forced to supply construction materials. An estimated 500 convict porters were killed as a result of Burmese army abuses, including through the practice of “atrocity de-mining” – forcing civilians to act in effect as human minesweepers. The use of landmines by the Burmese army and non-state armed groups is widespread.

Abuses by Burmese military units are commonplace against civilians also in Karenni, Chin, and Shan states. The army continues to use sexual violence with impunity in ethnic areas. For example, in February four teenage girls were raped by four Burmese army officers in Putao, Kachin state.

Since January 2006 the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) has not been permitted to conduct prison visits. During 2007 they gradually closed several field offices in the countryside due to restrictions on their activities. In a rare public statement issued in June, the ICRC voiced concerns that “repeated abuses committed against men, women and children living along the Thai-Myanmar [Burma] border violate many provisions of international humanitarian law.”

Child Soldiers

Recruitment of children into the government armed forces continues as a result of high desertion rates and chronic understaffing. Recruiters and civilian brokers used coercion, threats, and physical force to recruit children as young as 10. Former soldiers indicated that in many training camps children constituted 30 percent or more of new recruits.

Several non-state armed groups also continue to recruit children as soldiers, although in numbers far lower than the Burmese army.

Humanitarian Concerns, Internal Displacement, and Refugees

Burma’s humanitarian crisis worsened in 2007 as government restrictions on United Nations and international development agencies’ activities continued, including close monitoring and restrictions of movement. A United Nations Development Programme household living conditions survey issued in June showed that one-third of civilians in Burma live below the poverty line.

Despite official figures released by the SPDC and UNAIDS that argued that the country’s HIV/AIDS epidemic had decreased, there are concerns that the extent of the crisis might be underestimated because of limitations on travel and access to healthcare facilities by foreign nongovernmental organizations. The “Three Diseases Fund” began operations in 2007 with two rounds of grant disbursals to address the epidemics of HIV, malaria, and tuberculosis in Burma. A major report on health and human rights released by US research institutes in June argued that epidemics of malaria, tuberculosis, HIV, and other diseases, many of them developing drug resistant strains, in Burma’s border areas were exacerbated by government healthcare expenditures that are a fraction of state military expenditure.

There was little change in the plight of the estimated half a million internally displaced persons (IDPs) in eastern Burma during 2007. Estimating the number of displaced people in other areas, including urban displacement, is difficult. International humanitarian organizations are denied access by the SPDC to IDP settlements in Shan and Karen states beside the border with Thailand.

Thousands of civilians fleeing fighting in Karen state are prevented from moving to camps in Thailand by the Thai authorities. Refugees from Shan state are routinely denied sanctuary in Thailand, and there were incidents of refugees being forced back to Burma in 2007. An estimated 2,500 Rohingya Muslims from western Burma and Bangladesh arrived in southern Thailand from November 2006 to May 2007 and were arrested by Thai security forces. In several incidents, Rohingya men were subject to refoulement to Burma by Thai authorities.

Some 150,000 refugees remain in 14 refugee camps along the border with Thailand. Since 2004 an estimated 40,000 refugees have been resettled to third countries such as the United States, Canada, Norway, Australia, and Sweden. Thai authorities have all but stopped their Provincial Admissions Board mechanism for ascertaining asylum seeker claims, and regularly threaten to send back unregistered camp residents to IDP settlements inside Burma.

Restrictions on migrant workers from Burma in Thailand increased, with a curfew invoked in several provinces on migrant workers and a ban on their use of mobile phones and motorbikes. Burmese migrant workers and refugees continue to be subject to harassment, arbitrary arrest, and abuses in detention in India, Malaysia, and Singapore.

Key International Actors

Responding to the August-September events, the UN secretary-general’s special envoy to Burma, Ibrahim Gambari, visited Burma twice, meeting with the senior SPDC leadership and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. He reported back to the Security Council on October 5 that there were “continuing and disturbing reports of abuses being committed by security and non-uniformed elements.” Despite international calls for Gambari to have access to detainees, this was not permitted by the SPDC, who tightly controlled his schedule during the visits.

A special session of the UN Human Rights Council was convened on October 2, issuing a statement that “strongly deplores the continued violent repression of peaceful demonstrations in Myanmar, including through beatings, killings, arbitrary detentions and enforced disappearances.” After four years of being denied access by the SPDC, the UN special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Burma, Paulo Sergio Pinheiro, was permitted to visit and went in November.

International condemnation of the violent September crackdown included foreign ministers of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) issuing a statement expressing their “revulsion” at the use of force. The United States imposed targeted financial sanctions on the 14 top leaders of the SPDC. The EU reinforced their Common Position on sanctions to Burma, and Japan suspended one aid project. The reaction from China, India, and Russia was muted, as officials called on the SPDC and demonstrators to exercise restraint, but refused to issue strong statements denouncing the use of violence by the SPDC.

Throughout 2007 ASEAN increased its criticism of the SPDC, expressing exasperation over the slow pace of reform and unwillingness to consult with regional partners, although it permitted Burma to sign the ASEAN Charter in November.

The EU continued to invite Burmese officials to multilateral meetings such as the Asia-Europe Meeting in May, despite EU Common Position provisions banning attendance without progress on human rights.

China, India, Russia, and Ukraine continued to sell large numbers of weapons to the SPDC, and in May Russia announced the sale of a nuclear test reactor to Burma.

Foreign investment in Burma’s natural energy sector increased, with natural gas exploration contracts signed with companies from China, India, South Korea, Thailand, and Malaysia. Natural gas sales from the Yetagun and Yadana fields accrued an estimated US$2.16 billion to the SPDC in 2007.

In February the International Labour Organization (ILO) reached an agreement with the SPDC on a mechanism for reporting cases of forced labor for a year from March 2007. The ILO stated in July that despite the mechanism there was still widespread use of forced labor in Burma.

UN Special Representative on Children and Armed Conflict Radhika Coomaraswamy, visited Burma in June and secured agreement from the SPDC to set up a mechanism on reporting the use of child soldiers.

Topics: Refugees, Security forces, Opposition, Child soldiers, Internally displaced persons, Human rights activists, Ethnic persecution,

Copyright notice: © Copyright 1992-2008, Human Rights Watch

Published in:  on February 6, 2008 at 2:56 am Leave a Comment