MERHROM: Request to UAE and Saudi Ambassadors for release vulnerable Rohingyas from the Saudi detentions center or Jails.
On behalf Rohingyas Myanmar Ethnic Rohingya Human Rights Organizatios Malaysia (MERHROM) would like to thanks so many of United Arab Emirates official invited MERHROM. Mr. Zafar Ahmad bin Hj. Abdul Ghani , President of MERHROM With his Wife Maslina binti Abu Hassan Internal Adviser of MERHROM , Mr. Ahmad@Maung Maung Chay bin Abu Tahir Vice president of MERHROM, Sultan Selangor, All Diplomatic, All foreigners Ambassadors and Embassy in Malaysia , On the occasion of the 45th Anniversary of the National Day of the United Arab Emirates On Friday, 02nd December 2016 From 7:30:pm to 9:30:pm at Hotel Mandarin Oriental Kuala Lumpur, Level 1, Grand Ballroom, Kuala Lumpur City Center.
As a President MERHROM With discuss 2 country Rohingyas issues about Saudi Arabia Inside Jail or detentions center Rohingyas were long term suffering, force arrested, beaten, women have been raped, torture, houses were burnt down etc: in Arakan State by the extremist Myanmar junta government. President of MERHROM Mr. Zafar Ahmad Abdul Ghani requesting All Rohingyas to Release from the Saudi Arabia Inside Jails or detentions center without any doubt . And also another request that All OIC member countries must have right to Stop Rohingyas victims genocide continue in Arakan State of Myanmar.
Mr. Zafar Ahmad bin Hj. Abdul Ghani,
President of Myanmar Ethnic Rohingyas Human Rights Organization Malaysia (MERHROM)
Bangladesh pushes back Rohingya refugees amid collective punishment in Myanmar
24 November 2016, 16:48 UTC
Rohingya refugees and asylum-seekers being detained and forcibly returned
Lack of water, food and medical care
Both governments preventing thousands from accessing aid
Harrowing details of Myanmar military attacks on villages
As the Myanmar authorities are subjecting the Rohingya Muslim minority to collective punishment, thousands of refugees who have made it across the border to Bangladesh in desperate need of humanitarian assistance are being forcibly pushed back in flagrant violation of international law, Amnesty International said today.
“The Rohingya are being squeezed by the callous actions of both the Myanmar and Bangladesh authorities. Fleeing collective punishment in Myanmar, they are being pushed back by the Bangladeshi authorities. Trapped between these cruel fates, their desperate need for food, water and medical care is not being addressed,” said Champa Patel, Amnesty International’s South Asia Director.
The Rohingya are being squeezed by the callous actions of both the Myanmar and Bangladesh authorities. Fleeing collective punishment in Myanmar, they are being pushed back by the Bangladeshi authorities.
The Rohingya are fleeing a policy of collective punishment in Myanmar’s Northern Rakhine state, where security forces are mounting indiscriminate reprisal attacks in response to a 9 October assault on three border posts that killed nine members of the border police.
Speaking to members of the Rohingya community on the ground in Bangladesh and in interviews with those still in Myanmar, Amnesty International has heard accounts of Myanmar’s security forces, led by the military, firing at villagers from helicopter gunships, torching hundreds of homes, carrying out arbitrary arrests, and raping women and girls.
Across the Naf river that divides Bangladesh and Myanmar, Rohingya refugees and asylum-seekers are forced into hiding and are suffering a severe lack of food and medical care, Amnesty International found in Bangladesh’s Cox’s Bazar district.
The Bangladeshi authorities have cracked down on the flow of Rohingya refugees and asylum-seekers from Myanmar. Over the past week, the Bangladesh Border Guards have detained and forcibly returned hundreds.
The move is a violation of the principle of non-refoulement – an absolute prohibition under international law on forcibly returning people to a country or place where they would be at real risk of serious human rights violations.
The Bangladeshi authorities have also sealed their border with Myanmar and fortified it with the deployment of the Bangladesh Border Guards and coast guard forces. Since 1992, the Bangladesh government has a policy of denying Rohingya refugee status.
On 22 November, Amnesty International witnessed groups of Rohingya crossing the border close to Whaikyang, a village by the Naf river in Bangladesh. They looked weary and emaciated, the signs of a gruelling journey evident on their faces.
They told Amnesty International that they had arrived in Bangladesh the night before, waiting until sunrise on a nearby island to evade Bangladeshi officials.
Several thousand Rohingya refugees and asylum-seekers are believed to have recently crossed into Bangladesh. They are spread out across villages, refugee camps and slums, making the true number impossible to determine. At least 2,000 people have made the journey across the Naf river since 21 November, with more set to arrive over successive days.
Some of them told Amnesty International they had paid smugglers to take them across. Others confessed to bribing Bangladesh Border Guards or other Bangladeshis to help them elude interception at the border.
“The Bangladeshi government must not add to the suffering of Rohingya. They should be recognized and protected as refugees fleeing persecution, not punished for who they are,” said Champa Patel.
The Bangladeshi government must not add to the suffering of Rohingya. They should be recognized and protected as refugees fleeing persecution, not punished for who they are.
Inhuman and degrading conditions
The bulk of the Rohingya who successfully reached Bangladesh have sought shelter in makeshift camps across the Cox’s Bazar where earlier waves of refugees and asylum-seekers settled.
Water and food are scarce. Aid workers in the area told Amnesty International that even before the most recent arrivals, the camp dwellers were already suffering severe malnutrition.
The latest arrivals have put an enormous strain on Rohingya refugees and asylum-seekers already based in Bangladesh who have opened their small and cramped homes to them.
One man living in the Kutupalong makeshift refugee camp told Amnesty International:
“I am the only breadwinner in my family. We are seven people, but some family members arrived from Myanmar last week so now we are 15 people living in the same small hut. We did not have any food this morning. I only own two longyis [traditional garment] – I gave one to my cousin, I am wearing the only clothes I own.”
A 40-year-old woman, who said she had fled to Bangladesh after the Myanmar army killed her husband and one of her sons, was not able to find shelter in the camp for herself and her two young children.
“We are sleeping outside in the mud,” she said. “My son is two years old and is crying all the time, he is very cold in the mornings. Still, compared to Myanmar, Bangladesh seems like heaven to me.”
We are sleeping outside in the mud,” she said. “My son is two years old and is crying all the time, he is very cold in the mornings.
Many of those arriving are in extremely poor health and in need of medical attention. Reliable sources confirmed to Amnesty International that several people have crossed the border bearing untreated bullet wounds. But the Rohingya said that they did not seek medical attention from the few clinics in the area, out of fear of being detained and deported.
While many Bangladeshi people have welcomed and offered assistance to the new arrivals, the Rohingya are preyed upon by local thieves.
“When we crossed the border, some local people attacked and looted us. They took everything we had,” said one 16-year-old girl, who paid people smugglers to take her into Bangladesh on 21 November.
“Relying on the generosity of Bangladeshis already in poverty and long-term refugees is not sustainable. The thousands who have crossed the border desperately need help. Bangladeshi authorities must immediately allow aid groups unfettered access to those fleeing the escalating persecution in Myanmar,” said Champa Patel.
Collective punishment in Rakhine state
Since the 9 October attack on border police posts, Amnesty International and other rights organizations have received reports of a litany of human rights violations carried out by the Myanmar army in North Rakhine State during security operations. The UN estimates that 30,000 people have been displaced from their homes.
“The response of the army to attacks on security forces six weeks ago went far beyond what was necessary and proportional. Instead of investigating and arresting specific suspects, the army carried out operations amounting to collective punishment,” said Champa Patel.
The response of the army to attacks on security forces six weeks ago went far beyond what was necessary and proportional … amounting to collective punishment.
“By targeting individuals clearly not involved in such attacks, whole families and whole villages, these operations appear to target Rohingya collectively on the basis of their ethnicity and religion.”
The Myanmar government has denied all allegations of human rights violations by its military, but at the same time has blocked access to humanitarian aid and effectively barred independent journalists and human rights monitors from entering the area.
“The Myanmar government’s accounts lack credibility. If it has nothing to hide, it should open access to independent observers, including human rights monitors, aid workers and journalists,” said Champa Patel.
If the Myanmar government has nothing to hide, it should open access to independent observers, including human rights monitors, aid workers and journalists.
Members of the Rohingya community, both in Bangladesh and Myanmar described in harrowing detail the actions of the Myanmar army, including arbitrary arrests, unlawful killings, and the torching of villages.
“These and other accounts of human rights violations must immediately be investigated in a genuinely independent impartial and efficient way. The only real solution, both in the short and long terms, lies in respect for the human rights of Rohingyas in Myanmar. Long-term, entrenched and systemic discrimination against Rohingya must end.”
A Rohingya villager in Myanmar told Amnesty International how security forces approached his village, firing guns in the air, creating a panic:
“Then they shot at people who were fleeing. They surrounded the village and started going from house to house. They were verbally abusing the people. They were threatening to rape the women saying ‘We are going to rape your kalar women’.”
“Kalar” or “foreigner” is a racial epithet used against the Rohingya community.
They shot at people who were fleeing. They surrounded the village and started going from house to house. They were verbally abusing the people. They were threatening to rape the women saying ‘We are going to rape your kalar women’.
A woman who spoke to Amnesty International from Myanmar described how her two sons were arbitrarily arrested by security forces:
“It was early in the morning, the military surrounded our house, while some came in and forced me and my children to go outside. They tied my two sons up. They tied their hands behind their backs, and they were beaten badly. The military kicked them in the chest. I saw it myself. I was crying so loudly. When I cried, they [the military] pointed a gun at me. My children were begging the military not to hit them. They were beaten for around 30 minutes before being taken away.”
She hasn’t seen or heard from them since.
A 38-year-old man, who spoke to Amnesty International in Bangladesh after arriving on 22 November, said:
“My sister and brother were both kidnapped by the army. I saw with my own eyes how the military burned down our village, and how soldiers raped women and girls.”
A 44-year-old woman said she witnessed how the army arrested and handcuffed young men in her village, shot them dead and pushed them into mass graves. She also said the army used hand-held rocket launchers, echoing reports from several other eyewitnesses about the use of such weapons and actions.
We saw helicopters firing on the village. We ran into the forest to save our lives.
Another man, 58, told Amnesty International in Bangladesh he fled across the border after helicopter gunships opened fire on his and surrounding villages:
“We saw helicopters firing on the village. We ran into the forest to save our lives.”
Background: Rohingya in Bangladesh
Rohingya refugees and asylum-seekers have arrived into Bangladesh from Myanmar in waves since at least the 1970s. There are some 33,000 registered Rohingya refugees living in Cox’s Bazar’s two camps, Kutupalong and Nayapara.
The Bangladesh government has since 1992 refused to grant refugee status to Rohingya arriving from Myanmar. An estimated 300,000-500,000 undocumented Rohingya are living in Bangladesh, spread out in the two makeshift camps close to Kutupalong and Leda, as well as villages and towns across the southeast of the country.
With no legal protections, the undocumented Rohingya are extremely vulnerable to exploitation and abuse. Limited employment opportunities means that many are forced into the drug trade or human trafficking to earn an income. Incidents of rape and other sexual violence against undocumented Rohingya women are frequent, since they are considered “easy targets” who cannot report crimes to police for fear of being arrested themselves.
The Bangladesh government has recently completed a census of the undocumented Rohingya people but has not made the results public yet. The government says the census will lead to better access to services and to granting basic legal status to the undocumented Rohingya.
Anushay Hossain is a Bangladeshi journalist based in Washington. For more, visit AnushaysPoint.com. The views expressed are her own.
(CNN) Amnesty describes it as “collective punishment.” A senior UN official suggested the goal appears to be “ethnic cleansing.” Regardless of how it is described, it is clear the violence unleashed by Myanmar against its minority Rohingya Muslim population has been devastating.
John McKissick, with the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, said security forces in Myanmar were “killing men, shooting them, slaughtering children, raping women, burning and looting houses, forcing people to cross the river into Bangladesh.” He accused the Myanmar military and border guard police of engaging in collective punishment of the Rohingya minority, arguing that they are using the killings of nine border guards in October as an excuse for the current crackdown.
Myanmar’s presidential spokesman reportedly responded by denying reports of the atrocities, and advising McKissick to “maintain his professionalism and his ethics as a United Nations officer because his comments are just allegations.”
Yet Myanmar’s persecution of the Rohingya population is nothing new. The Rohingya minority has been discriminated against for decades, although the violence has steadily been getting worse since 2012. An estimated 100,000 live in internment camps inside Myanmar, without basic rights to citizenship, worship, marry or even an education. Tens of thousands of Rohingya, meanwhile, have risked their lives by escaping on smugglers’ boats to nearby countries, while others have fled across the border to Bangladesh.
Indeed, it is perhaps neighboring Bangladesh that is most familiar with the crisis that has been unfolding in Myanmar. Rohingya refugees and asylum seekers from Myanmar have been arriving into Bangladesh since the 1970s, and despite Bangladesh not officially acknowledging the Rohingya as refugees, about 30,000 registered Rohingya live in two
When I was growing up in Bangladesh, Aung San Suu Kyi amazed me. As a young girl, I simply could not wrap my head around the kind of threat this tiny woman could possibly pose to Myanmar’s military junta, with her iconic bright and colorful flowers tucked behind her ear. I was too young to comprehend how Suu Kyi personified the heart and the spirit of her country’s fight for democracy not just in Myanmar, but around the world.
Suu Kyi’s status as an international human rights idol was further cemented when she was placed under house arrest. She would ultimately spend three periods under house arrest, from 1989 until her final release in 2010. No one seemed better to embody the fight for a people to choose their own government the way Suu Kyi did.
Perhaps the image of “The Lady,” as she is known, was always overly romanticized. Still, despite Myanmar’shistoric election in 2015, which made her the head of Myanmar’s new government, Suu Kyi has made it clear she has no intention of ending, or even interfering, with her state’s sponsored killing of the Rohingya. And the woman who once embodied the very essence of the struggle for democracy has been virtually mute on the issue of the Rohingya, aside from asking the United States not to use the term Rohingya, which is how the group describes itself.
Human Rights Watch’s David Mathieson describes Suu Kyi’s failure to speak out in support of the Rohingya as “baffling to an international audience that persists in casting her as a human rights icon.”
But perhaps what is more baffling than Suu Kyi’s silence is our denial of the kind of leader this laureate turned out to be. Every time the issue of Rohingya persecution comes up, it is met with inaction from Suu Kyi. Such silence simply legitimizes the ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya.
It is time to admit that our idolization of Suu Kyi was just that, idolizing. The truth is that she is not going to glide in and lead the international community to the negotiating table to come up with some solution to save the Rohingya. We should stop expecting it, no matter how deeply we might harbor this hope.
That raises the question of what the world should be doing now. And the answer should be clear — it is time to look past Suu Kyi and intervene on behalf of the Rohingyas. To begin with, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, or ASEAN, can put pressure on Myanmar by reviewing its membership, as suggested this week by Malaysia’s minister for youth and sports, Khairy Jamaluddin Abu Bakar, who reportedly stated that ASEAN’s principle of noninterference is void when there is “large-scale ethnic cleansing in an ASEAN member state.”
The international community can also back ASEAN by demanding an immediate end to the collective punishment and killings of the Rohingya, which appear to be allowed with impunity under the guise of “security sweeps.” International aid organizations and journalists must also be allowed proper access inside Rakhine State to provide desperately needed medical attention and press coverage.
Ultimately, unless the international community takes action, we will be no less guilty than Aung San Suu Kyi.
Would the Buddhists in Myanmar try to wipe out the Rohingya if they were Buddhists too?
I met a good friend recently and we settled down for a long conversation over a cup of masala tea. We spoke about many things but mostly about the plight of the Rohingya refugees.
“For people to get killed just because they are Muslims is really inhumane,” said Naveen.
“I don’t think they are killed because of their faith. There are many Muslims living in Myanmar, some in hijabs and burqas. There are even mosques around the country. Muslims in Myanmar live in peace and form communities within the country,” I said, sharing my experience since I have travelled quite frequently to the country.
“Really? I always thought it was about the Buddhists being against the Muslims,” he said.
“I’ve asked a few Myanmar Muslims about why they think their government is so against the Rohingya. While they disagree with the killings, they believe the Rohingya are not Myanmar nationals, and what the government is trying to do is stop Rohingya immigrants from illegally entering Myanmar,” I explained.
“I wonder if they would resort to the same method of prevention if the Rohingya were not Muslims. I mean what if the Rohingya were Buddhists themselves?” Naveen asked.
Well, that got me thinking. Would the Buddhist from Myanmar kill Buddhist Rohingya?
With our own Malaysian government strongly opposed to the violence and massacre, I found myself getting caught up with Naveen’s thoughts:
• Would our government have condemned the actions of the Myanmar government against the Rohingya community if the latter were not Muslims?
• Would our government have considered pulling out of the AFF Suzuki Cup if the brutally massacred Rohingya were not Muslims?
• Would our government have urged for a review of Myanmar’s Asean membership if the Rohingya, who are undergoing a form of ethnic cleansing, were not Muslims?
Naveen smiled when I shared my thoughts.
“Looks like it is a religious affair after all. I doubt the people of Myanmar would have killed the Rohingya if they were Buddhists. And you seem to doubt the Malaysian government championing the Rohingya agenda if they were not Muslims,” he said, finishing his second cup of masala tea and ending our conversation.
Walking back to my car, I kept revisiting our chat, feeling something was not right. These questions nagged me all the way home:
• Over 1.1 million Rohingya living in Rakhine state have been subjected to discrimination, violence and murder for a very long time. Why did it not matter to us to take a stand then?
• In the past few years, a number of countries opted to tow boatloads of Rohingya refugees back to the sea, denying them safety. Why did we not protest and boycott these inhumane friends of ours?
• Early last year, hundreds of Rohingya were stranded in our seas. They were prohibited from setting foot on our soil. Why didn’t we welcome them with open arms?
After years of keeping ourselves blindfolded, only now has our government seen it fit to join the condemnation and champion humanity. Why?
And why now?
Perhaps it’s a good diversion.
I don’t know.
What I do know is that nothing will come out of this sudden humanitarian intervention our government is currently embarking on.
Being humane is not a selective process. You do not get to select whom you exercise it on or when you decide to exercise it. You are either humane or not.
If the Malaysian government were genuinely humane, it should be humane at home and towards everyone, regardless of race or religion.
As of October 2016, there are over 150,000 refugees registered in Malaysia. About 24% of them are children below the age of 18. Do they live in a good and safe environment? Do they have a means of survival? Do they have proper food? Do they have access to healthcare? Do they have access to education?
Perhaps before we exercise our selective humanitarian efforts, we should consider practising it right here and right now in Malaysia.
With a firm belief in freedom of expression and without prejudice, FMT tries its best to share reliable content from third parties. Such articles are strictly the writer’s personal opinion. FMT does not necessarily endorse the views or opinions given by any third party content provider.
Myanmar’s Suu Kyi says international attention fuelling divisions in north
Myanmar State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi listens to a reporter’s question during a news conference at the Japan National Press Club in Tokyo, Japan November 4, 2016. REUTERS/Issei Kato
Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi accused the international community on Friday of stoking resentment between Buddhists and Muslims in the country’s northwest, where an army crackdown has killed at least 86 people and sent 10,000 fleeing to Bangladesh.
Suu Kyi appealed for understanding of her nation’s ethnic complexities, and said the world should not forget the military operation was launched in response to attacks on security forces that the government has blamed on Muslim insurgents.
“I would appreciate it so much if the international community would help us to maintain peace and stability, and to make progress in building better relations between the two communities, instead of always drumming up cause for bigger fires of resentment,” Suu Kyi told Singapore state-owned broadcaster Channel News Asia during a visit to the city-state.
“It doesn’t help if everybody is just concentrating on the negative side of the situation, in spite of the fact that there were attacks against police outposts.”
The violence in the northwest poses the biggest challenge so far to Suu Kyi’s eight-month-old government, and has renewed international criticism that the Nobel Peace Prize winner has done too little to help the country’s Rohingya Muslim minority.
Soldiers have poured into the north of Rakhine State, close to the frontier with Bangladesh, after attacks on border posts on Oct. 9 that killed nine police officers. Humanitarian aid has been cut off to the area, which is closed to outside observers.
Myanmar’s military and the government have rejected allegations by residents and human rights groups that soldiers have raped Rohingya women, burned houses and killed civilians during the operation.
Suu Kyi’s remarks came as a commission led by former United Nations chief Kofi Annan arrived in the state, where ethnic Rakhine Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims have lived separately since clashes in 2012 in which more than 100 people were killed.
“CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY”
Despite often having lived in Myanmar for generations, most of the country’s 1.1 million Rohingya are denied citizenship, freedom of movement and access to basic services such as healthcare and education.
The U.N.’s human rights agency said this week that abuses suffered by the Rohingya may amount to a crimes against humanity, repeating a statement it first made in a June report.
The Rohingya are not among the 135 ethnic groups recognized by law in Myanmar, where many majority Buddhists refer to them as “Bengalis” to indicate they regard them as illegal immigrants from Bangladesh.
In northern Rakhine, one of the poorest parts of the country, Muslims outnumber the ethnic Rakhine population.
“In the Rakhine, it’s not just the Muslims who are nervous and worried,” said Suu Kyi. “The Rakhine are worried too. They are worried about the fact that they are shrinking as a Rakhine population, percentage-wise.”
U.N. officials said this week more than 10,000 people have fled the recent fighting to Bangladesh.
There are continuing reports of people fleeing across the river border in flimsy boats, bringing accounts of razed villages, uprooted communities and separated families.
Still, Suu Kyi said the government has “managed to keep the situation under control and to calm it down”.
Suu Kyi identified Rakhine as one of the areas that required special attention from the outset of her term, nominating Annan in August to lead a taskforce to come up with long-term solutions to the problems of the divided state.
The six Myanmar and three foreign commissioners, on their second trip to Rakhine, met community leaders, local government representatives and Muslims from camps for displaced people in the state capital of Sittwe.
“There have been security actions there, but security actions should not impede humanitarian access to those in need,” Annan told reporters after the meetings, referring to the north.
“We have discussed it and I expect progress to be made. Some agencies have been able to go in, but there’s a great deal of needs, and I expect to see further progress in the next few days or so.”
The U.N. has said some 30,000 people have been internally displaced by the fighting and, while nearly 20,000 have had their deliveries of aid restored, around 130,000 are still not getting food and other assistance they had been receiving prior to the outbreak of violence.
Suu Kyi bowed to weeks of international pressure late on Thursday to appoint a commission to investigate the original attacks and allegations of human rights abuses in the military operation that followed.
However, she raised eyebrows with her pick for the chief of the team, vice president Myint Swe, who headed the feared military intelligence under former junta leader Than Shwe.
Myint Swe, a close confidant of the former junta supremo, was the chief of special operations in Yangon when Than Shwe ordered a crackdown on anti-junta protests led by Buddhist monks in 2007, known as the Saffron Revolution.
(Writing by Antoni Slodkowski; Editing by Paul Tait and Alex Richardson)
Burmese Military Hold Hundreds of Rohingya Women as Hostages
By Anwar M.S.December 2, 2016 16:47
By RVision TV Correspondent | December 2, 2016
Maungdaw — The Burmese military have held hundreds of Rohingya women as hostages at ‘Myau Taung’ village in northern Maungdaw since Thursday (December 1) morning, reliable sources report.
The hostages including children are currently confined without food and being tortured at the south hamlet of Myau Taung village tract. The troops have put a condition to the women either to call their men and make them surrender or to continue to suffer for indefinite time.
“There were around 600 Burmese troops in three groups raided Saali Ferang (Myau Taung) village yesterday morning. Since then, they have kept them as hostages.
“Screaming voices of the women are being heard from far. We fear of molestations or rapes of the women but we can’t confirm about it as we are on the run”, said a Rohingya man from Myau Taung in a telephonic conversation.
In a separate report we have received, 25 innocent men including old men and children have been arrested and are inhumanly being tortured in the village’s school.
Urgent international action is needed to free the women from being held as hostages.
Press Release: New Investigation Commission Lacks Credibility – UN Investigation Needed
Media Release From Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK
For Immediate Release
2nd December 2016
New Investigation Commission Lacks Credibility – UN Investigation Needed
Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK rejects the new Commission established by the government of Burma to investigate violence in Rakhine State.
The government and military are not impartial. The military have been committing abuses and the government have been defending them and denying abuses are taking place. A government which has prejudged the situation and taken sides has established an investigation led by a former senior soldier who himself has allegations of human rights violations against him. This cannot be considered independent or credible.
Since 2012 there have been numerous committees and commissions established by the government. None have been credible or led to any solutions, in fact the situation has got worse.
It is disturbing that the investigation committee is chaired by vice-President 1 U Myint Swe who was Chief of Military Security Affairs when the 2007 Saffron Revolution was crushed.
Burmese government has continuously been denying all the allegations of abuses against the Rohingya, how are we now expected to believe it will conduct a genuine investigation?
This week Adama Dieng, the U.N.’s special adviser on the prevention of genocide, said the allegations “must be verified as a matter of urgency” and urged the government to allow access to the area.
UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein has also stated: “the government has largely failed to act on the recommendations made in a report by the UN Human Rights Office… (that) raised the possibility that the pattern of violations against the Rohingya may amount to crimes against humanity,” echoing what another UN official described the government is carrying out “ethnic cleansing” of Rohingya Muslims.
BROUK President Tun Khin said “It is very surprising that the investigation only happens now 7 weeks after the attacks and after the government and military already made statements about the attacks and launched major military operations against the Rohingya populations. The military have killed at least 400 Rohingyas 240 Women have been raped, at least 600 Rohingyas arrested 2300 houses burnt, and 35,000 forced from their homes, and only now they say they will investigate who is responsible. Who can believe that after all this they will say they got it wrong?”
Tun Khin added: “We strongly reject the commission and we urgently need a UN commission of Inquiry to investigate crimes against Rohingya perpetrated by Burmese military in Northern Arakan, The International community have to take immediate steps to pressure NLD government to implement the key recommendations points from the UN human rights office report on this year June”.
For more information please contact Tun Khin +44 7888714866.